Roundup

Via Bilerico, Argentina is ending its ban on gay and lesbian folks serving openly in the military. If they can do it, we can do it.

A new study shows "red" states lead in online porn subscriptions. This strikes me as raising interesting questions about "local community standards" in obscenity cases. (Indeed, I recall that at least one defendant has recently tried to use data on risque Google searches to establish the relevant standard.)

Gay & Lesbian Advocates and Defenders (GLAD) has filed a challenge to the federal Defense of Marriage Act on behalf of married Massachusetts couples seeking marriage-related federal benefits. This seems to mark a shift in strategy from the LGBT legal movement, which heretofore has tried to keep suits regarding marriage and DOMA out of the federal courts for fear of a) setting bad precedent without first building a firmer foundation in state courts and in non-marriage cases, and b) reviving the proposed Federal Marriage Amendment. I'd guess that (b) is now seen as much less of a concern, and (a) is seen as a manageable concern if cases are brought and framed selectively. Here, no state would be forced to accept the plaintiffs' marriage; rather, they are seeking federal recognition of a state-recognized marriage for the purpose of specific tax, Social Security and other benefits. Balkinization has a preliminary assessment of the case.

Finally, Senate Republicans are apparently trying to use the current Omnibus Appropriations bill to eliminate federal Title X funds for Planned Parenthood clinics across the country. An amendment will be introduced today, so folks should call their Senators forthwith.

Censoring sexual orientation "equally"

Consumerist reports that Microsoft will ban anyone who mentions their sexual orientation on the XBox Live site. Microsoft's official policy is to prohibit anything suggesting "content of a potentially sexual nature," and to them that includes "expression of any type of orientation, be that hetero or other." Thus, Microsoft has it that its policy is non-discriminatory: straight and queer people alike are forbidden from mentioning their sexual orientation. (H/t feministing.)

As recently reported by the Washington Blade, the Washington Post continues to take a similar approach to discussion of sexual orientation in its reporting. The Post believes that all subjects of their journalism are "entitled" to make their sexual orientation "a private matter," whether they are straight or queer; accordingly, the paper will not discuss orientation unless it is "relevant."

The problem with both of these policies is that not talking about sexual orientation does not treat everyone equally. In a society where most people identify as heterosexual, and more importantly, where heterosexuality is ubiquitously assumed, heterosexuals have no need to identify their orientation: the default assumption has done it for them.

Moreover, given the strong default assumption of heterosexuality, a policy that nominally limits all discussion of sexual orientation is almost certainly to be applied selectively. The Blade story notes that the Post has come in for particular criticism regarding its failure to mention surviving same-sex partners in obituaries. Yet the Post's obits routinely mention different-sex spouses in passing - precisely because the fact of being in a different-sex relationship is not thought be a reference to sexual orientation, while being in a same-sex one is.

NYPD targeting gay men, pro Dommes

New York City police are being accused of targeting gay men for false and/or entrapment-based arrests for prostitution/solicitation in the city's sex shops. From The Advocate:

The Gay City News reports that at least 27 men were arrested for prostitution in eight porn shops in Manhattan in 2008. Since 2004 there have been 52 such arrests in eight difference businesses.

According to a statement by [Coalition to Stop the Arrests], the arrest is usually set up so that an attractive younger officer is sent out to approach middle-aged gay men. The officer allegedly entices the man to have sex. If the man agrees, the undercover officer says he wanted to pay the man for sexual favors, and then, before the man can accept or reject the transaction, he is surrounded by police to make an arrest.

Simultaneously, the city is being criticized for targeting the lawful work of professional dominatrices, twisting the prostitution laws to apply to non-sexually-explicit conduct. The only judicial decision on the subject, from 1994, held that NYC's prostitution law doesn't cover BDSM activities that don't involve actual genital contact. Yet in a recent meeting with reps from the National Coalition for Sexual Freedom, a prosecutor said that the city interprets the law expansively, based not on a limited set of acts but on "what is arousing to the participants." So, if spanking turns you on, paying someone to spank youis prostitution. This is questionable as a matter of the definition of "sexual conduct," not to mention policy and constitutional concerns. NCSF is currently planning a campaign to protest this policy.

I'm guessing from all this that NYC has finally run out of real crime to fight. Or maybe Bloomberg is hoping to follow in the footsteps of his predecessor and try to spin a reputation as The Man Who Ran Sex Out of NYC into a losing, but highly entertaining, presidential bid.

OT: U.S. to chill out on med marijuana, needles

The SF Chronicle is reporting:

U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder is sending strong signals that President Obama - who as a candidate said states should be allowed to make their own rules on medical marijuana - will end raids on pot dispensaries in California.

Asked at a Washington news conference Wednesday about Drug Enforcement Administration raids in California since Obama took office last month, Holder said the administration has changed its policy.

"What the president said during the campaign, you'll be surprised to know, will be consistent with what we'll be doing here in law enforcement," he said. "What he said during the campaign is now American policy."

Bill Piper, national affairs director of the Drug Policy Alliance, a marijuana advocacy group, said the statement is encouraging.

"I think it definitely signals that Obama is moving in a new direction, that it means what he said on the campaign trail that marijuana should be treated as a health issue rather than a criminal justice issue," he said.

Piper said Obama has also indicated he will drop the federal government's long-standing opposition to health officials' needle-exchange programs for drug users.

Referring to states' medical marijuana laws, a White House spokesman said Obama "believes that federal resources should not be used to circumvent state laws."

Hopefully Obama's administration will conclude the same about using federal resources to, say, prosecute adult filmmakers.

Slain Teen's Family "Sues Everybody For Not Destroying His Gayness"

Welcome Livejournal readers! You can follow Polymorphous Perversity through its LJ syndicated feed.

Headline courtesy of Joe.My.God, who has provided extensive coverage of the Lawrence King tragedy since the California student was murdered one year ago. Another high school student is currently facing trial for the murder, which has been charged as a hate crime and which shocked civil rights activists across the country.

In a suit filed last year, the King family claimed their son's school was at fault for failing to enforce its dress code. Their theory was that the teen's gender-nonconforming attire and makeup made him a target for violence. That's right: since they can't exactly blame the victim, their own son, they're doing the next best thing: blaming his gender expression, and the school authorities for failing to suppress it.

Here's my legal analysis: this is nonsense. Here's my more detailed legal analysis: 1) Schools have a duty to protect students from severe or violent anti-gay bullying. 2) Students have a First Amendment right to variant gender expression. 3) Schools have authority to limit student speech that may be "disruptive," but that authority is largely limited to speech that is disruptive in itself, and usually does not extend to speech that simply might inflame classmates' political loyalties or social prejudices. 4) More to the point, while the precise scope of schools' authority to limit controversial speech is debatable, a school's liability is another matter. The lawsuit essentially seeks to force schools to suppress expression of queer identities on pain of massive legal judgments. It frames student-on-student violence as an unavoidable result of queer expression, thereby blaming the victims of hate violence and implicitly absolving the school of any responsibility to protect students once they are targeted by bullies.

But this is what you'd expect from a family that threw their son out of the house for being queer: it's not homophobia that killed Lawrence King, it turns out, but queerness itself. And now the family has taken this broken logic even further by suing the youth shelter that took King in after they threw him out, for giving him women's clothing and makeup; and suing the Ventura County Rainbow Alliance, which hosted youth programs attended by the teen, for supposedly encouraging him to hit on his killer. They also sued a teacher and a counter social worker on similar grounds. So now their theory is that not only do schools have a responsibility to keep students safe by suppressing queer speech, but anyone who provides services to youth and fails to discourage queer expression is responsible for hate violence against them.

This would just be funny if it didn't reflect the way so many parents, and other people who work with youth, think: that queerness is an inherently dangerous behavior that kids stumble into and need to be protected from. In other words, guns don't kill people, being a faggot kills people.

(As a side note, it will be interesting to see whether social-conservative groups decide to highlight this case as an example of how liberals are perverting and endangering our kids, or will rightly recognize that the lawsuit itself, rather than the conduct of the defendants, is what will appall most people.)

For good measure, though, the King family did include a claim against King's murderer.

Protecting our children

Via Feministe: despite promises from Democrats, the proposed Omnibus Appropriations Act retains most funding for ineffective abstinence-only education. Click here to tell Congress to stop funding this nonsense.

Meanwhile: Waking Vixen asks why, when minors involved in prostitution are apparently being treated more leniently than adults, minors who produce their own amateur pornography are treated more hashly than adults. It seems the same concerns would apply to both situations involving possible coercion, later effects of the fact of involvement on the minor's life, and the possibility of feeding a market that promotes abuse of minors generally are applicable in both contexts.

WV's post is prompted bythe FBI's recent arrests in various cities of a large number of adult sex workers and their clients, which is being touted by the FBI as part of a campaign against child prostitution.

Miscellaneous updates: LGBT equality abroad

hunter of justice says there's "a bona fide trend underway" - not just of lgbt rights activism and advances in Latin America, but of North American attention to those struggles, which have been underway for years now.

TransGriot has recently posted about efforts and advances for transgender equality in Korea, China and the Middle East.

Bilerico bloggers note that the U.S. has made an about-face on a United Nations resolution condemning sexual orientation discrimination, and that gay-affirming speeches at the Oscars were censored in international broadcasts.

Evidence, the First Amendment, and 2257

Aside from the observations in my previous post, one thing that stands out about the en banc opinion in Connection Distributing Co. v. Holder (PDF) is its repeated demands for evidence to substantiate the plaintiffs' First Amendment claims. The dissenters spend much of their ink explaining why the court's evidence-focused analysis is inappropriate for a First Amendment challenge such as this one. In my view, the en banc majority's approach is not only inconsistent with First Amendment principles; it also seems to discriminate against sexually non-conforming speakers - here, as Judge White puts it in dissent, "all adults who desire in any fashion to create, share, or disseminate non-obscene, sexually-explicit depictions of themselves, or other adults, without relinquishing their anonymity." I will attempt to summarize.

Evidence re: enforcement. As Judge Kennedy discussed as length in dissent, it is most improper for the court to base its ruling in large part on the fact that 2257 has never yet been enforced in the settings at issue in this case. To uphold a law because its most dubious applications have not been enforced turns First Amendment law on its head. As Kennedy writes, "A very purpose of the overbreadth doctrine is to invalidate those law whose statutory language gives such sweep that law enforcement can selectively enforce the law on the basis of the speech’s content." Moreover, it is a cornerstone of the law that unenforced laws, especially vague or overbroad ones, promote an unacceptable self-censorship.

Evidence re: the adult entertainment industry. The court relies on the Meese Commission report and some general statements in the record to conclude that most pornography involves adults who are sufficiently youthful that they could readily be mistaken for minors. Relying on this broad generalization, it concludes that to the extent 2257 is overbroad in its application to material where performers/models are clearly of age, that overbreadth cannot be "substantial" because it is so rare for adults over, say, 25 to get in front of the camera. The court continues "Connection has not pointed us to any" adult publication featuring exclusively mature or middle-age adults, "and has not introduced any evidence showing that this...situation even exists." Although I will not link to any here to protect your delicate sensibilities, one need hardly be a dedicated porn collector to be aware that such publications, and videos, and websites, do exist.

Moreover, even acceping the dated and politically rigged Meese findings, they concern solely professional, commercial pornography. The majority accepts that 2257 applies to noncommercial speech, and it hardly needs to be proved that following recent leaps in digital technology there is a lot of amateur and/or noncommercial pornographic speech going on, which cannot simply be presumed, absent evidence, to match trends of the porn industry in the 1980s. Which brings me to a third point.

Evidence re: existence and prevalence of variant sexual speech.The court complains that "the record is utterly barren about whether some, many, indeed any, American couples are affected by [the] application of the statute [to home production of explicit materials for private use]-and, if so, in what ways." This line may have made more sense before the invention of the digital camera, or indeed the Polaroid camera. Does the court really need a record to show that anyone engages in home production for their own use? Moreover, the court has before it, in addition to Connection, an anonymous swinger couple who wished to publish explicit personal ads with home-produced images in Connection's publications. Surely it's hardly a leap from "this form of middle-aged sexual expression," as the court terms it, and one in which similar couples take sexy pictures but don't seek to publish them in a swinger mag.

The point of all this, I think, is that the court wouldn't require evidence that a potentially broad category of speech even exists in other First Amendment contexts. As Kennedy points out: "The Supreme Court has never done this." I don't think this is purely result-oriented, however. I think it is a specific reaction to sexual variance: to some jurists, variant sexualities are a mysterious black box, the contents of which are generally assumed not to matter or even exist unless proven. This suspicion is reinforced by the following statement dismissing swingers' privacy concerns regarding 2257:

It may be that there are advertisers in Connection's magazines who have greater privacy concerns about revealing their identities to law-enforcement officers for the limited purpose of confirming their age than about revealing their identities to unknown inquirers for the purpose of facilitating a liaison. But the question is whether such individuals would have a cognizably reasonable basis for suppressing their communications in this setting, and that is something Connection's affidavits and evidence do not support.

The court finds it unimaginable, absent proof, that people who engage in recreational sex with new acquaintances could possibly be concerned about disclosing their identities and activities to non-swinger government officials. The court also demands proof of what Judge Moore, in dissent, finds obvious: "Revealing one’s sexual tendencies to the government is very different from revealing these tendencies to someone who has been chosen and pre-screened and is known to share these same tendencies." Whoever these strange people are, the court finds them incomprehensible, and demands proof that they exist and that there is any rhyme or reason to what they do. As Judge Moore recognizes, the result is a baseless imposition of the 2257 requirements on a sizeable American subculture to which there is virtually no reason to apply it.